Antifederalist No. 10

ON THE PRESERVATION OF PARTIES, PUBLIC LIBERTY DEPENDS 


This essay follows a theme similar to Federalist No. 10, and 
appeared in the Maryland Gazette and Baltimore Advertiser, March 
18, 1788. 


     The opposite qualities of the first confederation were 
rather caused by than the cause of two parties, which from its 
first existence began and have continued their operations, I 
believe, unknown to their country and almost unknown to 
themselves-as really but few men have the capacity or resolution 
to develop the secret causes which influence their daily conduct.  
The old Congress was a national government and an union of 
States, both brought into one political body, as these opposite 
powers-I do not mean parties were so exactly blended and very 
nearly balanced, like every artificial, operative machine where 
action is equal to reaction.  It stood perfectly still.  It would 
not move at all.  Those who were merely confederal in their 
views, were for dividing the public debt.  Those who were for 
national government, were for increasing of it.  Those who 
thought any national government would be destructive to the 
liberties of America . . . assisted those who thought it our only 
safety-to put everything as wrong as possible. Requisitions were 
made, which every body knew it was impossible to comply with. 
Either in 82 or 83, ten millions of hard dollars, if not 
thirteen, were called into the continental treasury, when there 
could not be half that sum in the whole tract of territory 
between Nova-Scotia and Florida. The States neglected them in 
despair.  The public honor was tarnished, and our governments 
abused by their servants and best friends.  In fine, it became a 
cant word things are not yet bad enough to mend.  However, as [a] 
great part of the important objects of society were entrusted to 
this mongrel species of general government, the sentiment of 
pushing it forward became general throughout America, and the 
late Convention met at Philadelphia under the uniform impression, 
that such was the desire of their constituents.  But even then 
the advantages and disadvantages of national government operated 
so strongly, although silently, on each individual, that the 
conflict was nearly equal.  A third or middle opinion, which 
always arises in such cases, broke off and took the lead-the 
national party [thus] assisted, pursued steadily their object-the 
federal party dropped off, one by one, and finally, when the 
middle party came to view the offspring which they had given 
birth to, and in a great measure reared, several of them 
immediately disowned the child.  Such has been hitherto the 
progress of party; or rather of the human mind dispassionately 
contemplating our separate and relative situation, and aiming at 
that perfect completion of social happiness and grandeur, which 
perhaps can be combined only in ideas. Every description of men 
entertain the same wishes (excepting perhaps a few very bad men 
of each)-they forever will differ about the mode of 
accomplishment-and some must be permitted to doubt the 
practicability. 
     As our citizens are now apprized of the progress of parties 
or political opinions on the continent, it is fit they should 
also be informed of the present state, force and designs of each, 
in order that they may form their decisions with safety to the 
public and themselves-this shall be given with all the precision 
and impartiality the author is capable of. 
     America is at present divided into three classes or 
descriptions of men, and in a few years there will be but two. 
     [First].  The first class comprehends all those men of 
fortune and reputation who stepped forward in the late 
revolution, from opposition to the administration, rather than 
the government of Great Britain.  All those aristocrats whose 
pride disdains equal law.  Many men of very large fortune, who 
entertain real or imaginary fears for the security of property.  
Those young men, who have sacrificed their time and their talents 
to public service, without any prospect of an adequate pecuniary 
or honorary reward.  All your people of fashion and pleasure who 
are corrupted by the dissipation of the French, English and 
American armies; and a love of European manners and luxury.  The 
public creditors of the continent, whose interest has been 
heretofore sacrificed by their friends, in order to retain their 
services on this occasion.  A large majority of the mercantile 
people, which is at present a very unformed and consequently 
dangerous interest.  Our old native merchants have been almost 
universally ruined by the receipt of their debts in paper during 
the war, and the payment in hard money of what they owed their 
British correspondents since peace.  Those who are not bankrupts, 
have generally retired and given place to a set of young men, who 
conducting themselves as rashly as ignorantly, have embarrassed 
their affairs and lay the blame on the government, and who are 
really unacquainted with the true mercantile interest of the 
country-which is perplexed from circumstances rather temporary 
than permanent.  The foreign merchants are generally not to be 
trusted with influence in our government--they are most of them 
birds of passage. Some, perhaps British emissaries increasing and 
rejoicing in our political mistakes, and even those who have 
settled among us with an intention to fix themselves and their 
posterity in our soil, have brought with them more foreign 
prejudices than wealth.  Time must elapse before the mercantile 
interest will be so organized as to govern themselves, much less 
others, with propriety.  And lastly, to this class I suppose we 
may ultimately add the tory interest, with the exception of very 
many respectable characters, who reflect with a gratification 
mixed with disdain, that those principles are now become 
fashionable for which they have been persecuted and hunted down-
which, although by no means so formidable as is generally 
imagined, is still considerable. They are at present wavering.  
They are generally, though with very many exceptions, openly for 
the proposed, but secretly against any American government. A 
burnt child dreads the fire.  But should they see any fair 
prospect of confusion arise, these gentry will be off at any 
moment for these five and twenty years to come.  Ultimately, 
should the administration promise stability to the new 
government, they may be counted on as the Janizaries of power, 
ready to efface all suspicion by the violence of their zeal. 
    In general, all these various people would prefer a 
government, as nearly copied after that of Great Britain, as our 
circumstances will permit.  Some would strain these 
circumstances.  Others still retain a deep rooted jealousy of the 
executive branch and strong republican prejudices as they are 
called.  Finally, this class contains more aggregate wisdom and 
moral virtue than both the other two together.  It commands 
nearly two thirds of the property and almost one half the numbers 
of America, and has at present, become almost irresistible from 
the name of the truly great and amiable man who it has been said, 
is disposed to patronize it, and from the influence which it has 
over the second class.  This [first] class is nearly at the 
height of their power; they must decline or moderate, or another 
revolution will ensue, for the opinion of America is becoming 
daily more unfavorable to those radical changes which high-toned 
government requires.  A conflict would terminate in the 
destruction of this class, or the liberties of their country. May 
the Guardian Angel of America prevent both! 
    [Second].  The second class is composed of those descriptions 
of men who are certainly more numerous with us than in any other 
part of the globe. First, those men who are so wise as to 
discover that their ancestors and indeed all the rest of mankind 
were and are fools.  We have a vast overproportion of these great 
men, who, when you tell them that from the earliest period at 
which mankind devoted their attention to social happiness, it has 
been their uniform judgment, that a government over governments 
cannot exist--that is two governments operating on the same 
individual-assume the smile of confidence, and tell you of two 
people travelling the same road-of a perfect and precise division 
of the duties of the individual.  Still, however, the political 
apothegm is as old as the proverb-That no man can serve two 
masters-and whoever will run their noddles against old proverbs 
will be sure to break them, however hard they may be.  And if 
they broke only their own, all would be right; but it is very 
horrible to reflect that all our numskulls must be cracked in 
concert.  Second.  The trimmers, who from sympathetic indecision 
are always united with, and when not regularly employed, always 
fight under the banners of these great men, These people are 
forever at market, and when parties are nearly equally divided, 
they get very well paid for their services.  Thirdly. The 
indolent, that is almost every second man of independent fortune 
you meet with in America-these are quite easy, and can live under 
any government.  If men can be said to live, who scarcely 
breathe; and if breathing was attended with any bodily exertion, 
would give up their small portion of life in despair.  These men 
do not swim with the stream as the trimmers do, but are dragged 
like mud at the bottom.  As they have no other weight than their 
tat flesh, they are hardly worth mentioning when we speak of the 
sentiments and opinions of America. As this second class never 
can include any of the yeomanry of the union, who never affect 
superior wisdom, and can have no interests but the public good, 
it can be only said to exist at the birth of government, and as 
soon as the first and third classes become more decided in their 
views, this will divide with each and dissipate like a mist, or 
sink down into what are called moderate men, and become the tools 
and instruments of others.  These people are prevented by a cloud 
from having any view; and if they are not virtuous, they at least 
preserve the appearance, which in this world amounts to the same 
thing. 
    [Third].  At the head of the third class appear the old rigid 
republicans, who although few in number, are still formidable.  
Reverence will follow these men in spite of detraction, as long 
as wisdom and virtue are esteemed among mankind.  They are joined 
by the true democrats, who are in general fanatics and 
enthusiasts, and some few sensible, charming madmen.  A decided 
majority of the yeomanry of America will, for a length of years, 
be ready to support these two descriptions of men.  But as this 
last class is forced to act as a residuary legatee, and receive 
all the trash and filth, it is in some measure disgraced and its 
influence weakened. 3dly.  The freebooters and plunderers, who 
infest all countries and ours perhaps as little as any other 
whatever.  These men have that natural antipathy to any kind or 
sort of government, that a rogue has to a halter. In number they 
are few indeed such characters are the offspring of dissipation 
and want, and there is not that country in the world where so 
much real property is shared so equally among so few citizens, 
for where property is as easily acquired by fair means, very few 
indeed will resort to foul.  Lastly, by the poor mob, infoelix 
pecus!l The property of whoever will feed them and take care of 
them-let them be spared.  Let the burden of taxation sit lightly 
on their shoulders.  But alas!  This is not their fate.  It is 
here that government forever falls with all its weight.  It is 
here that the proposed government will press where it should 
scarcely be felt. . . . 
     In this [third] class may be counted men of the greatest 
mental powers and of as sublime virtue as any in America. They at 
present command nearly one-third of the property and above half 
the numbers of the United States, and in either event they must 
continue to increase in influence by great desertions from both 
the other classes. . . . If the [proposed] government is not 
adopted, theirs will be the prevalent opinion.  The object of 
this class either is or will be purely federal-an union of 
independent States, not a government of individuals. And should 
the proposed federal plan fail, from the obstinacy of those who 
will listen to no conditional amendments, although such as they 
cannot disapprove; or should it ultimately in its execution upon 
a fair trial, disappoint the wishes and expectations of our 
country-[then] an union purely federal is what the reasonable and 
dispassionate patriots of America must bend their views to.  My 
countrymen, preserve your jealousy-reject suspicion, it is the 
fiend that destroys public and private happiness.  I know some 
weak, but very few if any wicked men in public confidence.  And 
learn this most difficult and necessary lesson: That on the 
preservation of parties, public liberty depends.  Whenever men 
are unanimous on great public questions, whenever there is but 
one party, freedom ceases and despotism commences.  The object of 
a free and wise people should be so to balance parties, that from 
the weakness of all you may be governed by the moderation of the 
combined judgments of the whole, not tyrannized over by the blind 
passions of a few individuals. 
                                A FARMER