Antifederalist No. 17
FEDERALIST POWER WILL ULTIMATELY SUBVERT STATE AUTHORITY
The "necessary and proper" clause has, from the beginning,
been a thorn in the side of those seeking to reduce federal
power, but its attack by Brutus served to call attention to it,
leaving a paper trail of intent verifying its purpose was not to
give Congress anything the Constitution "forgot," but rather to
show two additional tests for any legislation Congress should
attempt: to wit--that the intended actions would be both
necessary AND proper to executing powers given under clauses 1-17
of Article I Section 8. This is the fameous BRUTUS.
This [new] government is to possess absolute and
uncontrollable powers, legislative, executive and judicial, with
respect to every object to which it extends, for by the last
clause of section eighth, article first, it is declared, that the
Congress shall have power "to make all laws which shall be
necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing
powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the
government of the United States, or in any department or office
thereof." And by the sixth article, it is declared, "that this
Constitution, and the laws of the United States, which shall be
made in pursuance thereof, and the treaties made, or which shall
be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the
supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be
bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or law of any State
to the contrary notwithstanding." It appears from these articles,
that there is no need of any intervention of the State
governments, between the Congress and the people, to execute any
one power vested in the general government, and that the
Constitution and laws of every State are nullified and declared
void, so far as they are or shall be inconsistent with this
Constitution, or the laws made in pursuance of it, or with
treaties made under the authority of the United States. The
government, then, so far as it extends, is a complete one, and
not a confederation. It is as much one complete government as
that of New York or Massachusetts; has as absolute and perfect
powers to make and execute all laws, to appoint officers,
institute courts, declare offenses, and annex penalties, with
respect to every object to which it extends, as any other in the
world. So far, therefore, as its powers reach, all ideas of
confederation are given up and lost. It is true this government
is limited to certain objects, or to speak more properly, some
small degree of power is still left to the States; but a little
attention to the powers vested in the general government, will
convince every candid man, that if it is capable of being
executed, all that is reserved for the individual States must
very soon be annihilated, except so far as they are barely
necessary to the organization of the general government. The
powers of the general legislature extend to every case that is of
the least importance-there is nothing valuable to human nature,
nothing dear to freemen, but what is within its power. It has
the authority to make laws which will affect the lives, the
liberty, and property of every man in the United States; nor can
the Constitution or laws of any State, in any way prevent or
impede the full and complete execution of every power given. The
legislative power is competent to lay taxes, duties, imposts, and
excises;-there is no limitation to this power, unless it be said
that the clause which directs the use to which those taxes and
duties shall be applied, may be said to be a limitation. But
this is no restriction of the power at all, for by this clause
they are to be applied to pay the debts and provide for the
common defense and general welfare of the United States; but the
legislature have authority to contract debts at their discretion;
they are the sole judges of what is necessary to provide for the
common defense, and they only are to determine what is for the
general welfare. This power, therefore, is neither more nor less
than a power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and excises, at
their pleasure; not only the power to lay taxes unlimited as to
the amount they may require, but it is perfect and absolute to
raise ;hem in any mode they please. No State legislature, or any
power in the State governments, have any more to do in carrying
this into effect than the authority of one State has to do with
that of another. In the business, therefore, of laying and
collecting taxes, the idea of confederation is totally lost, and
that of one entire republic is embraced. It is proper here to
remark, that the authority to lay and collect taxes is the most
important of any power that can be granted; it connects with it
almost all other powers, or at least will in process of time draw
all others after it; it is the great mean of protection,
security, and defense, in a good government, and the great engine
of oppression and tyranny in a bad one. This cannot fail of
being the case, if we consider the contracted limits which are
set by this Constitution, to the State governments, on this
article of raising money. No State can emit paper money, lay any
duties or imposts, on imports, or exports, but by consent of the
Congress; and then the net produce shall be for the benefit of
the United States. The only means, therefore, left for any State
to support its government and discharge its debts, is by direct
taxation; and the United States have also power to lay and
collect taxes, in any way they please. Everyone who has thought
on the subject, must be convinced that but small sums of money
can he collected in any country, by direct tax; when the federal
government begins to exercise the right of taxation in all its
parts, the legislatures of the several states will find it
impossible to raise monies to support their governments. Without
money they cannot be supported, and they must dwindle away, and,
as before observed, their powers be absorbed in that of the
general government.
It might be here shown, that the power in the federal
legislature, to raise and support armies at pleasure, as well in
peace as in war, and their control over the militia, tend not
only to a consolidation of the government, but the destruction of
liberty. I shall not, however, dwell upon these, as a few
observations upon the judicial power of this government, in
addition to the preceding, will fully evince the truth of the
position.
The judicial power of the United States is to be vested in a
supreme court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may, from
time to time, ordain and establish. The powers of these courts
are very extensive; their jurisdiction comprehends all civil
causes, except such as arise between citizens of the same State;
and it extends to all cases in law and equity arising under the
Constitution. One inferior court must be established, I presume,
in each State, at least, with the necessary executive officers
appendant thereto. It is easy to see, that in the common course
of things, these courts will eclipse the dignity, and take away
from the respectability, of the State courts. These courts will
be, in themselves, totally independent of the States, deriving
their authority from the United States, and receiving from them
fixed salaries; and in the course of human events it is to be
expected that they will swallow up all the powers of the courts
in the respective States.
How far the clause in the eighth section of the first
article may operate to do away with all idea of confederated
States, and to effect an entire consolidation of the whole into
one general government, it is impossible to say. The powers
given by this article are very general and comprehensive, and it
may receive a construction to justify the passing almost any law.
A power to make all laws, which shall be necessary and proper,
for carrying into execution all powers vested by the Constitution
in the government of the United States, or any department or
officer thereof, is a power very comprehensive and definite, and
may, for aught I know, be exercised in such manner as entirely to
abolish the State legislatures. Suppose the legislature of a
State should pass a law to raise money to support their
government and pay the State debt; may the Congress repeal this
law, because it may prevent the collection of a tax which they
may think proper and necessary to lay, to provide for the general
welfare of the United States? For all laws made, in pursuance of
this Constitution, are the supreme law of the land, and the
judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the
Constitution or laws of the different States to the contrary
notwithstanding. By such a law, the government of a particular
State might be overturned at one stroke, and thereby be deprived
of every means of its support.
It is not meant, by stating this case, to insinuate that the
Constitution would warrant a law of this kind! Or unnecessarily
to alarm the fears of the people, by suggesting that the Federal
legislature would be more likely to pass the limits assigned them
by the Constitution, than that of an individual State, further
than they are less responsible to the people. But what is meant
is, that the legislature of the United States are vested with the
great and uncontrollable powers of laying and collecting taxes,
duties, imposts, and excises; of regulating trade, raising and
supporting armies, organizing, arming, and disciplining the
militia, instituting courts, and other general powers; and are by
this clause invested with the power of making all laws, proper
and necessary, for carrying all these into execution; and they
may so exercise this power as entirely to annihilate all the
State governments, and reduce this country to one single
government. And if they may do it, it is pretty certain they
will; for it will be found that the power retained by individual
States, small as it is, will be a clog upon the wheels of the
government of the United States; the latter, therefore, will be
naturally inclined to remove it out of the way. Besides, it is a
truth confirmed by the unerring experience of ages, that every
man, and every body of men, invested with power, are ever
disposed to increase it, and to acquire a superiority over
everything that stands in their way. This disposition, which is
implanted in human nature, will operate in the Federal
legislature to lessen and ultimately to subvert the State
authority, and having such advantages, will most certainly
succeed, if the Federal government succeeds at all. It must be
very evident, then, that what this Constitution wants of being a
complete consolidation of the several parts of the union into one
complete government, possessed of perfect legislative, judicial,
and executive powers, to all intents and purposes, it will
necessarily acquire in its exercise in operation.
BRUTUS