Antifederalist No. 22
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION SIMPLY REQUIRES AMENDMENTS,
PARTICULARLY FOR COMMERCIAL POWER AND JUDICIAL POWER;
CONSTITUTION GOES TOO FAR
Benjamin Austin of Massachusetts, used the pen-name "CANDIDUS."
Taken from two letters by "Candidus" which appeared in the
[Boston] Independent Chronicle, December 6 and 20, 1787.
.... Many people are sanguine for the Constitution, because
they apprehend our commerce will be benefited. I would advise
those persons to distinguish between the evils that arise from
extraneous causes and our private imprudencies, and those that
arise from our government. It does not appear that the
embarrassments of our trade will be removed by the adoption of
this Constitution. The powers of Europe do not lay any
extraordinary duties on our oil, fish, or tobacco, because of our
government; neither do they discourage our ship building on this
account. I would ask what motive would induce Britain to repeal
the duties on our oil, or France on our fish, if we should adopt
the proposed Constitution? Those nations laid these duties to
promote their own fishery, etc., and let us adopt what mode of
government we please, they will pursue their own politics
respecting our imports and exports, unless we can check them by
some commercial regulations.
But it may be said, that such commercial regulations will
take place after we have adopted the Constitution, and that the
northern states would then become carriers for the southern. The
great question then is, whether it is necessary in order to
obtain these purposes, for every state to give up their whole
power of legislation and taxation, and become an unwieldy
republic, when it is probable the important object of our
commerce could be effected by a uniform navigation act, giving
Congress full power to regulate the whole commerce of the States?
This power Congress have often said was sufficient to answer all
their purposes. The circular letter from the Boston merchants
and others, was urgent on this subject. Also the navigation act
of this state [Massachusetts], was adopted upon similar
principles, and . . . was declared by our Minister in England, to
be the most effectual plan to promote our navigation, provided it
had been adopted by the whole confederacy.
But it may be said, this regulation of commerce, without
energy to enforce a compliance, is quite ideal. Coercion with
some persons seems the principal object, but I believe we have
more to expect from the affections of the people, than from an
armed body of men. Provided a uniform commercial system was
adopted, and each State felt its agreeable operations, we should
have but little occasion to exercise force. But however, as
power is thought necessary to raise an army, if required, to
carry into effect any federal measure, I am willing to place it,
where it is likely to be used with the utmost caution. This
power I am willing to place among the confederated States, to be
exercised when two thirds of them in their legislative capacities
shall say the common good requires it. But to trust this power
in the hands of a few men delegated for two, four and six years,
is complimenting the ambition of human nature too highly, to risk
the tranquility of these States on their absolute determination.
Certain characters now on the stage, we have reason to venerate,
but though this country is now blessed with a Washington,
Franklin, Hancock and Adams, yet posterity may have reason to rue
the day when their political welfare depends on the decision of
men who may fill the places of these worthies....
The advocates for the Constitution, have always assumed an
advantage by saying, that their opposers have never offered any
plan as a substitute; the following outlines are therefore
submitted, not as originating from an individual, but as copied
from former resolutions of Congress, and united with some parts
of the Constitution proposed by the respectable convention. This
being the case, I presume it will not be invalidated by the cant
term of antifederalism.
lst. That the Legislature of each state, empower
Congress to frame a navigation act, to operate uniformly
throughout the states; receiving to Congress all necessary powers
to regulate our commerce with foreign nations, and among the
several states, and with the Indian tribes. The revenue arising
from the impost to be subject to their appropriations, "to enable
them to fulfill their public engagements with foreign creditors."
2nd. That the Legislature of each state, instruct their
delegates in Congress, to frame a treaty of AMITY for the
purposes of discharging each state's proportion of the public
debt, either foreign or domestic, and to enforce (if necessary)
their immediate payment. Each state obligating themselves in the
treaty of amity, to furnish (whenever required by Congress) a
proportionate number of the Militia who are ever to be well
organized and disciplined, for the purposes of repelling any
invasion; suppressing any insurrection; or reducing any
delinquent state within the confederacy, to a compliance with the
federal treaty of commerce and amity. Such assistance to be
furnished by the Supreme Executive of each state, on the
application of Congress. The troops in cases of invasion to be
under the command of the Supreme Executive of the state
immediately in danger; but in cases of insurrection, and when
employed against any delinquent state in the confederacy, the
troops to be under the command of Congress.
3d. That such states as did not join the confederacy of
commerce and amity, should be considered as aliens; and any goods
brought from such state into any of the confederated states,
together with their vessels, should be subject to heavy extra
duties.
4th. The treaty of amity, agreed to by the several states,
should expressly declare that no State (without the consent of
Congress) should enter into any treaty, alliances, or
confederacy; grant letters of marque and reprisal; make anything
but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any
bill of attainder or ex post facto law, or impair the obligations
of contracts; engage in war, or declare peace.
5th. A Supreme Judicial Court to be constituted for the
following federal purposes-to extend to all treaties made
previous to, or which shall be made under the authority of the
confederacy; all cases affecting Ambassadors, and other public
Ministers and Consuls; controversies between two or more states;
and between citizens of the same state claiming lands under
grants of different states; to define and punish piracies, and
felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law
of nations.
6th. That it be recommended to Congress, that the said
navigation act, and treaty of amity, be sent to the Legislatures
(or people) of the several states, for their assenting to, and
ratifying the same.
7th. A regular statement and account of the receipts and
expenditures, of all public monies, should be published from time
to time.
The above plan it is humbly conceived-secures the internal
government of the several states; promotes the commerce of the
whole union; preserves a due degree of energy; lays restraints on
aliens; secures the several states against invasions and
insurrection by a MILITIA, rather than a STANDING ARMY; checks
all ex post facto laws; cements the states by certain federal
restrictions; confines the judiciary powers to national matters;
and provides for the public information of receipts and
expenditures. In a word, it places us in a complete federal
state.
The resolves of Congress, 18th April, 1783, "recommends to
the several States, to invest them with powers to levy for the
use of the United States, certain duties upon goods, imported
from any foreign port, island or plantation;" which measures is
declared by them, "to be a system more free, from well founded
exception, and is better calculated to receive the approbation of
the several States, than any other, that the wisdom of Congress
could devise; and if adopted, would enable them to fulfill their
public engagements with their foreign creditors.". . . .
Should we adopt this plan, no extraordinary expenses would
arise, and Congress having but one object to attend, every
commercial regulation would be uniformly adopted; the duties of
impost and excise, would operate equally throughout the states;
our ship building and carrying trade, would claim their immediate
attention; and in consequence thereof, our agriculture, trade and
manufactures would revive and flourish. No acts of legislation,
independent of this great business, would disaffect one State
against the other; but the whole, . . . in one Federal System of
commerce, would serve to remove all local attachments, and
establish our navigation upon a most extensive basis. The powers
of Europe, would be alarmed at our Union, and would fear lest we
should retaliate on them by laying restrictions on their
trade....
These states, by the blessing of Heaven, are now in a very
tranquil state. This government, in particular, has produced an
instance of ENERGY, in suppressing a late rebellion, which no
absolute monarchy can boast. And notwithstanding the
insinuations of a "small party," who are ever branding the PEOPLE
with the most opprobrious epithets-representing them as aiming to
level all distinctions; emit paper money; encourage the
rebellion-yet the present General Court, the voice of that body,
whom they have endeavored to stigmatize, have steadily pursued
measures foreign from the suggestions of such revilers. And the
public credit has been constantly appreciating since the present
Administration.
Let us then be cautious how we disturb this general harmony.
Every exertion is now making, by the people, to discharge their
taxes. Industry and frugality prevail. Our commerce is every
day increasing by the enterprise of our merchants. And above
all, the PEOPLE of the several states are convinced of the
necessity of adopting some Federal Commercial Plan....
CANDIDUS