Antifederalist No. 23

CERTAIN POWERS NECESSARY FOR THE COMMON DEFENSE, CAN AND SHOULD 
BE LIMITED 



In Federalist No. 23, Alexander Hamilton spoke of the necessity 
for an energetic government.  "BRUTUS" replied. 

Taken from the 7th and 8th essays of "Brutus" in The New-York 
Journal, January 3 and 10, 1788. 



    In a confederated government, where the powers are divided 
between the general and the state government, it is essential . . 
. that the revenues of the country, without which no government 
can exist, should be divided between them, and so apportioned to 
each, as to answer their respective exigencies, as far as human 
wisdom can effect such a division and apportionment.... 
    No such allotment is made in this constitution, but every 
source of revenue is under the control of Congress; it therefore 
follows, that if this system is intended to be a complex and not 
a simple, a confederate and not an entire consolidated 
government, it contains in it the sure seeds of its own 
dissolution. One of two things must happen.  Either the new 
constitution will become a mere nudum pactum, and all the 
authority of the rulers under it be cried down, as has happened 
to the present confederacy.  Or the authority of the individual 
states will be totally supplanted, and they will retain the mere 
form without any of the powers of government.  To one or the 
other of these issues, I think, this new government, if it is 
adopted, will advance with great celerity. 
    It is said, I know, that such a separation of the sources of 
revenue, cannot be made without endangering the public safety-
"unless (says a writer) [Alexander Hamilton] it can be shown that 
the circumstances which may affect the public safety are 
reducible within certain determinate limits; unless the contrary 
of this position can be fairly and rationally disputed, it must 
be admitted, as a necessary consequence, that there can be no 
limitation of that authority which is to provide for the defense 
and protection of the community, etc."(1) (1 Federalist, No. 23.) 
    The pretended demonstration of this writer will instantly 
vanish, when it is considered, that the protection and defense of 
the community is not intended to be entrusted solely into the 
hands of the general government, and by his own confession it 
ought not to be.  It is true this system commits to the general 
government the protection and defense of the community against 
foreign force and invasion, against piracies and felonies on the 
high seas, and against insurrection among ourselves.  They are 
also authorized to provide for the administration of justice in 
certain matters of a general concern, and in some that I think 
are not so.  But it ought to be left to the state governments to 
provide for the protection and defense of the citizen against the 
hand of private violence, and the wrongs done or attempted by 
individuals to each other.  Protection and defense against the 
murderer, the robber, the thief, the cheat, and the unjust 
person, is to be derived from the respective state governments.  
The just way of reasoning therefore on this subject is this, the 
general government is to provide for the protection and defense 
of the community against foreign attacks, etc.  They therefore 
ought to have authority sufficient to effect this, so far as is 
consistent with the providing for our internal protection and 
defense. The state governments are entrusted with the care of 
administering justice among its citizens, and the management of 
other internal concerns; they ought therefore to retain power 
adequate to that end.  The preservation of internal peace and 
good order, and the due administration of law and justice, ought 
to be the first care of every government.  The happiness of a 
people depends infinitely more on this than it does upon all that 
glory and respect which nations acquire by the most brilliant 
martial achievements.  And I believe history will furnish but few 
examples of nations who have duly attended to these, who have 
been subdued by foreign invaders.  If a proper respect and 
submission to the laws prevailed over all orders of men in our 
country; and if a spirit of public and private justice, economy, 
and industry influenced the people, we need not be under any 
apprehensions but what they would be ready to repel any invasion 
that might be made on the country.  And more than this, I would 
not wish from them.  A defensive war is the only one I think 
justifiable.  I do not make these observations to prove, that a 
government ought not to be authorised to provide for the 
protection and defense of a country against external enemies, but 
to show that this is not the most important, much less the only 
object of their care. 
    The European governments are almost all of them framed, and 
administered with a view to arms, and war, as that in which their 
chief glory consists.  They mistake the end of government.  It 
was designed to save men's lives, not to destroy them.  We ought 
to furnish the world with an example of a great people, who in 
their civil institutions hold chiefly in view, the attainment of 
virtue, and happiness among ourselves.  Let the monarchs in 
Europe share among them the glory of depopulating countries, and 
butchering thousands of their innocent citizens, to revenge 
private quarrels, or to punish an insult offered to a wife, a 
mistress, or a favorite.  I envy them not the honor, and I pray 
heaven this country may never be ambitious of it.  The czar Peter 
the great, acquired great glory by his arms; but all this was 
nothing, compared with the true glory which he obtained, by 
civilizing his rude and barbarous subjects, diffusing among them 
knowledge, and establishing and cultivating the arts of life.  By 
the former he desolated countries, and drenched the earth with 
human blood; by the latter he softened the ferocious nature of 
his people, and pointed them to the means of human happiness.  
The most important end of government then, is the proper 
direction of its internal police, and economy; this is the 
province of the state governments, and it is evident, and is 
indeed admitted, that these ought to be under their control.  Is 
it not then preposterous, and in the highest degree absurd, when 
the state governments are vested with powers so essential to the 
peace and good order of society, to take from them the means of 
their own preservation? 
    The idea that the powers of congress in respect to revenue 
ought to be unlimited, because 'the circumstances which may 
affect the public safety are not reducible to certain determinate 
limits' is novel, as it relates to the government of the United 
States.  The inconveniencies which resulted from the feebleness 
of the present confederation was discerned, and felt soon after 
its adoption.  It was soon discovered, that a power to require 
money, without either the authority or means to enforce a 
collection of it, could not be relied upon either to provide for 
the common defense, discharge the national debt, or for support 
of government. Congress therefore, as early as February 1781, 
recommended to the states to invest them with a power to levy an 
impost of :five per cent ad valorem, on all imported goods, as a 
fund to be appropriated to discharge the debts already 
contracted, or which should hereafter be contracted for the 
support of the war, to be continued until the debts should be 
fully and finally discharged.  There is not the most distant idea 
held out in this act, that an unlimited power to collect taxes, 
duties and excises was necessary to be vested in the United 
States, and yet this was a time of the most pressing danger and 
distress. The idea then was, that if certain definite funds were 
assigned to the union, which were certain in their natures, 
productive, and easy of collection, it would enable them to 
answer their engagements, and provide for their defense, and the 
impost of five per cent was fixed upon for the purpose. 
         This same subject was revived in the winter and spring 
of 1783, and after a long consideration of the subject, many 
schemes were proposed.  The result was, a recommendation of the 
revenue system of April 1783; this system does not suggest an 
idea that it was necessary to grant the United States unlimited 
authority in matters of revenue.  A variety of amendments were 
proposed to this system, some of which are upon the journals of 
Congress, but it does not appear that any of them proposed to 
invest the general government with discretionary power to raise 
money.  On the contrary, all of them limit them to certain 
definite objects, and fix the bounds over which they could not 
pass.  This recommendation was passed at the conclusion of the 
war, and was founded on an estimate of the whole national debt.  
It was computed, that one million and an half of dollars, in 
addition to the impost, was a sufficient sum to pay the annual 
interest of the debt, and gradually to abolish the principal.  
Events have proved that their estimate was sufficiently liberal, 
as the domestic debt appears upon its being adjusted to be less 
than it was computed; and since this period a considerable 
portion of the principal of the domestic debt has been discharged 
by the sale of the western lands.  It has been constantly urged 
by Congress, and by individuals, ever since, until lately, that 
had this revenue been appropriated by the states, as it was 
recommended, it would have been adequate to every exigency of the 
union. Now indeed it is insisted, that all the treasures of the 
country are to be under the control of that body, whom we are to 
appoint to provide for our protection and defense against foreign 
enemies.  The debts of the several states, and the support of the 
governments of them are to trust to fortune and accident.  If the 
union should not have occasion for all the money they can raise, 
they will leave a portion for the state, but this must be a 
matter of mere grace and favor.  Doctrines like these would not 
have been listened to by any state in the union, at a time when 
we were pressed on every side by a powerful enemy, and were 
called upon to make greater exertions than we have any reason to 
expect we shall ever be again. . . . 
     I may be asked to point out the sources, from which the 
general government could derive a sufficient revenue, to answer 
the demands of the union. ... There is one source of revenue, 
which it is agreed, the general government ought to have the sole 
control of.  This is an impost upon all goods imported from 
foreign countries.  This would, of itself, be very productive, 
and would be collected with ease and certainty.  It will be a 
fund too, constantly increasing, for our commerce will grow with 
the productions of the country.  And these, together with our 
consumption of foreign goods, wilt increase with our population.  
It is said, that the impost will not produce a sufficient sum to 
satisfy the demands of the general government; perhaps it would 
not.... My own opinion is, that the objects from which the 
general government should have authority to raise a revenue, 
should be of such a nature, that the tax should be raised by 
simple laws, with few officers, with certainty and expedition, 
and with the least interference with the internal police of the 
states.  Of this nature is the impost on imported goods. And it 
appears to me that a duty on exports, would also be of this 
nature. Therefore, for ought I can discover, this would be the 
best source of revenue to grant the general government.  I know 
neither the Congress nor the state legislatures will have 
authority under the new constitution to raise a revenue in this 
way.  But I cannot perceive the reason of the restriction.  It 
appears to me evident, that a tax on articles exported, would be 
as nearly equal as any that we can expect to lay, and it 
certainly would be collected with more ease and less expense than 
any direct tax. I do not however, contend for this mode; it may 
be liable to well founded objections that have not occurred to 
me. But this I do contend for, that some mode is practicable, and 
that limits must be marked between the general government, and 
the states on this head, or if they be not, either the Congress 
in the exercise of this power, will deprive the state 
legislatures of the means of their existence, or the states by 
resisting the constitutional authority of the general government, 
will render it nugatory.... 
    The next powers vested by this Constitution in the general 
government, which we shall consider, are those which authorize 
them to "borrow money on the credit of the United States, and to 
raise and support armies." I take these two together and connect 
them with the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and 
excises, because their extent, and the danger that will arise 
from the exercise of these powers, cannot be fully understood, 
unless they are viewed in relation to each other. 
    The power to borrow money is general and unlimited, and the 
clause so often before referred to, authorizes the passing [of] 
any laws proper and necessary to carry this into execution.  
Under this authority, Congress may mortgage any or all the 
revenues of the union, as a fund to loan money upon; and it is 
probable, in this way, they may borrow of foreign nations, a 
principal sum, the interest of which will be equal to the annual 
revenues of the country.  By this means, they may create a 
national debt, so large, as to exceed the ability of the country 
ever to sink.  I can scarcely contemplate a greater calamity that 
could befall this country, than to be loaded with a debt 
exceeding their ability ever to discharge. If this be a just 
remark, it is unwise and improvident to vest in the general 
government a power to borrow at discretion, without any 
limitation or restriction. 
    It may possibly happen that the safety and welfare of the 
country may require, that money be borrowed, and it is proper 
when such a necessity arises that the power should be exercised 
by the general government.  But it certainly ought never to be 
exercised, but on the most urgent occasions, and then we should 
not borrow of foreigners if we could possibly avoid it. 
    The constitution should therefore have so restricted the 
exercise of this power as to have rendered it very difficult for 
the government to practice it.  The present confederation 
requires the assent of nine states to exercise this, and a number 
of other important powers of the confederacy.  It would certainly 
have been a wise provision in this constitution, to have made it 
necessary that two thirds of the members should assent to 
borrowing money.  When the necessity was indispensable, this 
assent would always be given, and in no other cause ought it to 
be. 
     The power to raise armies is indefinite and unlimited, and 
authorises the raising [of] forces, as well in peace as in war.  
Whether the clause which empowers the Congress to pass all laws 
which are proper and necessary, to carry this into execution, 
will not authorise them to impress men for the army, is a 
question well worthy [of] consideration. If the general 
legislature deem it for the general welfare to raise a body of 
troops, and they cannot be procured by voluntary enlistments, it 
seems evident, that it will be proper and necessary to effect it, 
that men be impressed from the militia to make up the deficiency. 
     These powers taken in connection, amount to this: that the 
general government have unlimited authority and control over all 
the wealth and all the force of the union.  The advocates for 
this scheme, would favor the world with a new discovery, if they 
would show, what kind of freedom or independency is left to the 
state governments, when they cannot command any part of the 
property or of the force of the country, but at the will of the 
Congress.  It seems to me as absurd, as it would be to say, that 
I was free and independent, when I had conveyed all my property 
to another, and was tenant to him, and had beside, given an 
indenture of myself to serve him during life. . . .