Antifederalist No. 47
"BALANCE" OF DEPARTMENTS NOT ACHIEVED UNDER NEW CONSTITUTION
This essay is made up of of excerpts from "CENTINEL's," letters
of October 5 and 24, 1787. Taken from The Independent Gazetteer,
I am fearful that the principles of government inculcated in
Mr. [John] Adams' treatise [Defence of the Constitutions of
Government of the United States of America], and enforced in the
numerous essays and paragraphs in the newspapers, have misled
some well designing members of the late Convention. But it will
appear in the sequel, that the construction of the proposed plan
of government is infinitely more extravagant.
I have been anxiously expecting that some enlightened
patriot would, ere this, have taken up the pen to expose the
futility, and counteract the baneful tendency of such principles.
Mr. Adams' sine qua non of a good government is three balancing
powers; whose repelling qualities are to produce an equilibrium
of interests, and thereby promote the happiness of the whole
community. He asserts that the administrators of every
government, will ever be actuated by views of private interest
and ambition, to the prejudice of the public good; that therefore
the only effectual method to secure the rights of the people and
promote their welfare, is to create an opposition of interests
between the members of two distinct bodies, in the exercise of
the powers of government, and balanced by those of a third. This
hypothesis supposes human wisdom competent to the task of
instituting three co-equal orders in government, and a
corresponding weight in the community to enable them respectively
to exercise their several parts, and whose views and interests
should be so distinct as to prevent a coalition of any two of
them for the destruction of the third. Mr. Adams, although he
has traced the constitution of every form of government that ever
existed, as far as history affords materials, has not been able
to adduce a single instance of such a government. He indeed says
that the British constitution is such in theory, but this is
rather a confirmation that his principles are chimerical and not
to be reduced to practice. If such an organization of power were
practicable, how long would it continue? Not a day-for there is
so great a disparity in the talents, wisdom and industry of
mankind, that the scale would presently preponderate to one or
the other body, and with every accession of power the means of
further increase would be greatly extended. The state of society
in England is much more favorable to such a scheme of government
than that of America. There they have a powerful hereditary
nobility, and real distinctions of rank and interests; but even
there, for want of that perfect equality of power and distinction
of interests in the three orders of government, they exist but in
name. The only operative and efficient check upon the conduct of
administration, is the sense of the people at large.
Suppose a government could be formed and supported on such
principles, would it answer the great purposes of civil society?
If the administrators of every government are actuated by views
of private interest and ambition, how is the welfare and
happiness of the community to be the result of such jarring
adverse interests?
Therefore, as different orders in government will not
produce the good of the whole, we must recur to other principles.
I believe it will be found that the form of government, which
holds those entrusted with power in the greatest responsibility
to their constituents, the best calculated for freemen. A
republican, or free government, can only exist where the body of
the people are virtuous, and where property is pretty equally
divided. In such a government the people are the sovereign and
their sense or opinion is the criterion of every public measure.
For when this ceases to be the case, the nature of the government
is changed, and an aristocracy, monarchy or despotism will rise
on its ruin. The highest responsibility is to be attained in a
simple structure of government, for the great body of the people
never steadily attend to the operations of government, and for
want of due information are liable to be imposed on. If you
complicate the plan by various orders, the people will be
perplexed and divided in their sentiment about the source of
abuses or misconduct; some will impute it to the senate, others
to the house of representatives, and so on, that the
interposition of the people may be rendered imperfect or perhaps
wholly abortive. But if, imitating the constitution of
Pennsylvania, you vest all the legislative power in one body of
men (separating the executive and judicial) elected for a short
period, and necessarily excluded by rotation from permanency, and
guarded from precipitancy and surprise by delays imposed on its
proceedings, you will create the most perfect responsibility.
For then, whenever the people feel a grievance, they cannot
mistake the authors, and will apply the remedy with certainty and
effect, discarding them at the next election. This tie of
responsibility will obviate all the dangers apprehended from a
single legislature, and will the best secure the rights of the
people.
Having premised this much, I shall now proceed to the
examination of the proposed plan of government, and I trust,
shall make it appear to the meanest capacity, that it has none of
the essential requisites of a free government; that it is neither
founded on those balancing restraining powers, recommended by Mr.
Adams and attempted in the British constitution, or possessed of
that responsibility to its constituents, which, in my opinion, is
the only effectual security for the liberties and happiness of
the people. But on the contrary, that it is a most daring
attempt to establish a despotic aristocracy among freemen, that
the world has ever witnessed....
Thus we see, the house of representatives are on the part of
the people to balance the senate, who I suppose will be composed
of the better sort, the well born, etc. The number of the
representatives (being only one for every 30,000 inhabitants)
appears to be too few, either to communicate the requisite
information of the wants, local circumstances and sentiments of
so extensive an empire, or to prevent corruption and undue
influence, in the exercise of such great powers; the term for
which they are to be chosen, too long to preserve a due
dependence and accountability to their constituents; and the mode
and places of their election not sufficiently ascertained, for as
Congress have the control over both, they may govern the choice,
by ordering the representatives of a whole State, to be elected
in one place, and that too may be the most inconvenient.
The senate, the great efficient body in this plan of
government, is constituted on the most unequal principles. The
smallest State in the Union has equal weight with the great
States of Virginia, Massachusetts, or Pennsylvania. The senate,
besides its legislative functions, has a very considerable share
in the executive; none of the principal appointments to office
can be made without its advice and consent. The terin and mode
of its appointment will lead to permanency. The members are
chosen for six years, the mode is under the control of Congress,
and as there is no exclusion by rotation, they may be continued
for life, which, from their extensive means of influence, would
follow of course. The President, who would be a mere pageant of
State, unless he coincides with the views of the senate, would
either become the bead of the aristocratic junto in that body, or
its minion; besides, their influence being the most predominant,
could the best secure his re-election to office. And from his
power of granting pardons, he might screen from punishment the
most treasonable attempts on the liberties of the people, when
instigated by the senate....
Mr. [James] Wilson asserts that never was charge made with
less reason, than that which predicts the institution of a
baneful aristocracy in the federal Senate.' In my first number, I
stated that this body would be a very unequal representation of
the several States, that the members being appointed for the long
term of six years, and there being no exclusion by rotation, they
might be continued for life, which would follow of course from
their extensive means of influence, and that possessing a
considerable share in the executive as well as the legislative,
it would become a permanent aristocracy, and swallow up the other
orders in the government.
That these fears are not imaginary, a knowledge of the
history of other nations, where the powers of government have
been injudiciously placed, will fully demonstrate. Mr. Wilson
says, "the senate branches into two characters; the one
legislative and the other executive. In its legislative
character it can effect no purpose, without the co-operation of
the house of representatives, and in its executive character it
can accomplish no object without the concurrence of the
president. Thus fettered, I do not know any act which the senate
can of itself perform, and such dependence necessarily precludes
every idea of influence and superiority." This I confess is very
specious, but experience demonstrates that checks in government,
unless accompanied with adequate power and independently placed,
prove merely nominal, and will be inoperative. Is it probable,
that the President of the United States, limited as he is in
power, and dependent on the will of the senate, in appointments
to office, will either have the firmness or inclination to
exercise his prerogative of a conditional control upon the
proceedings of that body, however injurious they may be to the
public welfare? It will be his interest to coincide with the
views of the senate, and thus become the head of the aristocratic
junto. The king of England is a constituent part in the
legislature, but although an hereditary monarch, in possession of
the whole executive power, including the unrestrained appointment
to offices, and an immense revenue, enjoys but in name the
prerogative of a negative upon the parliament. Even the king of
England, circumstanced as he is, has not dared to exercise it for
near a century past. The check of the house of representatives
upon the senate will likewise be rendered nugatory for want of
due weight in the democratic branch, and from their constitution
they may become so independent of the people as to be indifferent
of its interests. Nay, as Congress would have the control over
the mode and place of their election, by ordering the
representatives of a whole state to be elected at one place, and
that too the most inconvenient, the ruling powers may govern the
choice, and thus the house of representatives may be composed of
the creatures of the senate. Still the semblance of checks may
remain, but without operation.
This mixture of the legislative and executive moreover
highly tends to corruption. The chief improvement in government,
in modern times, has been the complete separation of the great
distinctions of power; placing the legislative in different hands
from those which hold the executive; and again severing the
judicial part from the ordinary administrative. "When the
legislative and executive powers (says Montesquieu) are united in
the same person or in the same body of magistrates, there can be
no liberty."
CENTINEL