Antifederalist No. 7

ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION WILL LEAD TO CIVIL WAR 



"PHILANTHROPOS," (an anonymous Virginia Antifederalist) appeared 
in The Virginia Journal and Alexandria Advertiser, December 6, 
1787, writing his version of history under the proposed new 
Constitution. 



   The time in which the constitution or government of a nation 
undergoes any particular change, is always interesting and 
critical.  Enemies are vigilant, allies are in suspense, friends 
hesitating between hope and fear; and all men are in eager 
expectation to see what such a change may produce.  But the state 
of our affairs at present, is of such moment, as even to arouse 
the dead ... 
    [A certain defender of the Constitution has stated that 
objections to it] are more calculated to alarm the fears of the 
people than to answer any valuable end.  Was that the case, as it 
is not, will any man in his sober senses say, that the least 
infringement or appearance of infringement on our liberty -that 
liberty which has lately cost so much blood and treasure, 
together with anxious days and sleepless nights-ought not both to 
rouse our fears and awaken our jealousy? ... The new constitution 
in its present form is calculated to produce despotism, thraldom 
and confusion, and if the United States do swallow it, they will 
find it a bolus, that will create convulsions to their utmost 
extremities.  Were they mine enemies, the worst imprecation I 
could devise would be, may they adopt it.  For tyranny, where it 
has been chained (as for a few years past) is always more cursed, 
and sticks its teeth in deeper than before.  Were Col. [George] 
Mason's objections obviated, the improvement would be very 
considerable, though even then, not so complete as might be.  The 
Congress's having power without control-to borrow money on the 
credit of the United States; their having power to appoint their 
own salaries, and their being paid out of the treasury of the 
United States, thereby, in some measure, rendering them 
independent of the individual states; their being judges of the 
qualification and election of their own members, by which means 
they can get men to suit any purpose; together with Col. Mason's 
wise and judicious objections-are grievances, the very idea of 
which is enough to make every honest citizen exclaim in the 
language of Cato, 0 Liberty, 0 my country! Our present 
constitution, with a few additional powers to Congress, seems 
better calculated to preserve the rights and defend the liberties 
of our citizens, than the one proposed, without proper 
amendments.  Let us therefore, for once, show our judgment and 
solidity by continuing it, and prove the opinion to be erroneous, 
that levity and fickleness are not only the foibles of our 
tempers, but the reigning principles in these states. There are 
men amongst us, of such dissatisfied tempers, that place them in 
Heaven, they would find something to blame; and so restless and 
self-sufficient, that they must be eternally reforming the state.  
But the misfortune is, they always leave affairs worse than they 
find them.  A change of government is at all times dangerous, but 
at present may be fatal, without the utmost caution, just after 
emerging out of a tedious and expensive war.  Feeble in our 
nature, and complicated in our form, we are little able to bear 
the rough Posting of civil dissensions which are likely to ensue. 
Even now, discontent and opposition distract our councils.  
Division and despondency affect our people.  Is it then a time to 
alter our government, that government which even now totters on 
its foundation, and will, without tender care, produce ruin by 
its fall? 
    Beware my countrymen!  Our enemies--uncontrolled as they are 
in their ambitious schemes, fretted with losses, and perplexed 
with disappointments-will exert their whole power and policy to 
increase and continue our confusion.  And while we are destroying 
one another, they will be repairing their losses, and ruining our 
trade. 
    Of all the plagues that infest a nation, a civil war is the 
worst.  Famine is severe, pestilence is dreadful; but in these, 
though men die, they die in peace. The father expires without the 
guilt of the son; and the son, if he survives, enjoys the 
inheritance of his father. Cities may be thinned, but they 
neither plundered nor burnt.  But when a civil war is kindled, 
there is then forth no security of property nor protection from 
any law.  Life and fortune become precarious.  And all that is 
dear to men is at the discretion of profligate soldiery, doubly 
licentious on such an occasion.  Cities are exhausted by heavy 
contributions, or sacked because they cannot answer exorbitant 
demand. Countries are eaten up by the parties they favor, and 
ravaged by the one they oppose. Fathers and sons, sheath their 
swords in anothers bowels in the field, and their wives and 
daughters are exposed to rudeness and lust of ruffians at home. 
And when the sword has decided quarrel, the scene is closed with 
banishments, forfeitures, and barbarous executions that entail 
distress on children then unborn. May Heaven avert the dreadful 
catastrophe! In the most limited governments, what wranglings, 
animosities, factions, partiality, and all other evils that tend 
to embroil a nation and weaken a state, are constantly practised 
by legislators. What then may we expect if the new constitution 
be adopted as it now stands? The great will struggle for power, 
honor and wealth; the poor become a prey to avarice, insolence 
and oppression.  And while some are studying to supplant their 
neighbors, and others striving to keep their stations, one 
villain will wink at the oppression of another, the people be 
fleeced, and the public business neglected.  From despotism and 
tyranny good Lord deliver us.