Antifederalist No. 85
CONCLUDING REMARKS: EVILS UNDER CONFEDERATION EXAGGERATED;
CONSTITUTION MUST BE DRASTICALLY REVISED BEFORE ADOPTION
By Melancthon Smith (a "PLEBIAN")
. . . . It is agreed, the plan is defective-that some of the
powers granted are dangerous-others not well defined-and
amendments are necessary why then not amend it? Why not remove
the cause of danger, and, possible, even the apprehension of it?
The instrument is yet in the hands of the people; it is not
signed, sealed, and delivered, and they have power to give it any
form they please.
But it is contended, adopt it first, and then amend it. I
ask, why not amend, and then adopt it? Most certainly the latter
mode of proceeding is more consistent with our ideas of prudence
in the ordinary concerns of life If men were about entering into
a contract respecting their private concerns it would be highly
absurd in them to sign and seal an instrument containing
stipulations which are contrary to their interests and wishes,
under the expectation, that the parties, after its execution,
would agree to make alteration agreeable to their desire. They
would insist upon the exceptionable clause being altered before
they would ratify the contract. And is a compact for the
government of ourselves and our posterity of less moment than
contract between individuals? Certainly not. But to this
reasoning, which at first vie would appear to admit of no reply,
a variety of objections are made, and number of reasons urged for
adopting the system, and afterwards proposing amendments. Such
as have come under my observation, I shall state, an remark upon.
It is insisted, that the present situation of our country is
such, as not t admit of a delay in forming a new government, or
of time sufficient t deliberate and agree upon the amendments
which are proper, without involving ourselves in a state of
anarchy and confusion.
On this head, all the powers of rhetoric, and arts of
description, ar employed to paint the condition of this country,
in the most hideous an frightful colors. We are told, that
agriculture is without encouragement trade is languishing;
private faith and credit are disregarded, and public credit is
prostrate; that the laws and magistrates are condemned and set at
naught; that a spirit of licentiousness is rampant, and ready to
break over every bound set to it by the government; that private
embarrassments and distresses invade the house of every man of
middling property, and insecurity threatens every man in affluent
circumstances: in short, that we are in a state of the most
grievous calamity at home, and that we are contemptible abroad,
the scorn of foreign nations, and the ridicule of the world. From
this high wrought picture, one would suppose that we were in a
condition the most deplorable of any people upon earth. But
suffer me, my countrymen, to call your attention to a serious and
sober estimate of the situation in which you are placed, while I
trace the embarrassments under which you labor, to their true
sources, What is your condition? Does not every man sit under
his own vine and under his own fig-tree, having none to make him
afraid? Does not every one follow his calling without
impediments and receive the reward of his well-earned industry?
The farmer cultivates his land, and reaps the fruit which the
bounty of heaven bestows on his honest toil. The mechanic is
exercised in his art, and receives the reward of his labor. The
merchant drives his commerce, and none can deprive him of the
gain he honestly acquires; all classes and callings of men
amongst us are protected in their various pursuits, and secured
by the laws in the possession and enjoyment of the property
obtained in those pursuits. The laws are as well executed as
they ever were, in this or any other country. Neither the hand
of private violence, nor the more to be dreaded hand of legal
oppression, are reached out to distress us.
It is true, many individuals labor under embarrassments, but
these are to be imputed to the unavoidable circumstances of
things, rather than to any defect in our governments. We have
just emerged from a long and expensive war. During its existence
few people were in a situation to increase their fortunes, but
many to diminish them. Debts contracted before the war were left
unpaid while it existed, and these were left a burden too heavy
to be home at the commencement of peace. Add to these, that when
the war was over, too many of us, instead of reassuming our old
habits of frugality, and industry, by which alone every country
must be placed in a prosperous condition, took up the profuse use
of foreign commodities. The country was deluged with articles
imported from abroad, and the cash of the country has been sent
to pay for them, and still left us laboring under the weight of a
huge debt to persons abroad. These are the true sources to which
we are to trace all the private difficulties of individuals. But
will a new government relieve you from these? ... Your present
condition is such as is common to take place after the conclusion
of a war. Those who can remember our situation after the
termination of the war preceding the last, will recollect that
our condition was similar to the present, but time and industry
soon recovered us from it. Money was scarce, the produce of the
country much lower than it has been since the peace, and many
individuals were extremely embarrassed with debts; and this
happened although we did not experience the ravages, desolations,
and loss of property, that were suffered during the late war.
With regard to our public and national concerns, what is
there in our condition that threatens us with any immediate
danger? We are at peace with all the world; no nation menaces us
with war; nor are we called upon by any cause of sufficient
importance to attack any nation. The state governments answer
the purposes of preserving the peace, and providing for present
exigencies. Our condition as a nation is in no respect worse
than it has been for several years past. Our public debt has
been lessened in various ways, and the western territory, which
has been relied upon as a productive fund to discharge the
national debt has at length been brought to market, and a
considerable part actually applied to its reduction. I mention
these things to show, that there is nothing special, in our
present situation, as it respects our national affairs, that
should induce us to accept the proffered system, without taking
sufficient time to consider and amend it. I do not mean by this,
to insinuate, that our government does not stand in need of
reform. It is admitted by all parties, that alterations are
necessary in our federal constitution, but the circumstances of
our case do by no means oblige us to precipitate this business,
or require that we should adopt a system materially defective.
We may safely take time to deliberate and amend, without in the
meantime hazarding a condition, in any considerable degree, worse
than the present.
But it is said that if we postpone the ratification of this
system until the necessary amendments are first incorporated, the
consequence will be a civil war among the states. . . . The idea
of [New York] being attacked by the other states, will appear
visionary and chimerical, if we consider that tho' several of
them have adopted the new constitution, yet the opposition to it
has been numerous and formidable. The eastern states from whom
we are told we have most to fear, should a civil war be blown up,
would have full employ to keep in awe those who are opposed to it
in their own governments. Massachusetts, after a long and
dubious contest in their convention, has adopted it by an
inconsiderable majority, and in the very act has marked it with a
stigma in its present form. No man of candor, judging from their
public proceedings, will undertake to say on which side the
majority of the people are. Connecticut, it is true, have acceded
to it, by a large majority of their convention; but it is a fact
well known, that a large proportion of the yeomanry of the
country are against it. And it is equally true, that a
considerable part of those who voted for it in the convention,
wish to see it altered. In both these states the body of the
common people, who always do the fighting of a country, would be
more likely to fight against than for it. Can it then be
presumed, that a country divided among themselves, upon a
question where even the advocates for it, admit the system they
contend for needs amendments, would make war upon a sister state?
. . . The idea is preposterous. . .
The reasonings made use of to persuade us, that no
alterations can be agreed upon previous to the adoption of the
system, are as curious as they are futile. It is alleged, that
there was great diversity of sentiments in forming the proposed
constitution; that it was the effect of mutual concessions and a
spirit of accommodation, and from hence it is inferred, that
further changes cannot be hoped for. I should suppose that the
contrary inference was the fair one. If the convention, who
framed this plan, were possessed of such a spirit of moderation
and condescension, as to be induced to yield to each other
certain points, and to accommodate themselves to each other's
opinions, and even prejudices, there is reason to expect, that
this same spirit will continue and prevail in a future
convention, and produce an union of sentiments on the points
objected to. There is more reason to hope for this, because the
subject has received a full discussion, and the minds of the
people much better known than they were when the convention sat.
Previous to the meeting of the convention, the subject of a new
form of government had been little thought of, and scarcely
written upon at all. It is true, it was the general opinion,
that some alterations were requisite in the federal system. This
subject had been contemplated by almost every thinking man in the
union. It had been the subject of many well- written essays, and
it was the anxious wish of every true friend to America. But it
was Dever in the contemplation of one in a thousand of those who
had reflected on the matter, to have an entire change in the
nature of our federal government-to alter it from a confederation
of states, to that of one entire government, which will swallow
up that of the individual states. I will venture to say, that
the idea of a government similar to the one proposed, never
entered the minds of the legislatures who appointed the
convention, and of but very few of the members who composed it,
until they had assembled and heard it proposed in that body: much
less had the people any conception of such a plan until after it
was promulgated, While it was agitated, the debates of the
convention were kept an impenetrable secret, and no opportunity
was given for well informed men to offer their sentiments upon
the subject. The system was therefore never publicly discussed,
nor indeed could be, because it was not known to the people until
after it was proposed. Since then, it has been the object of
universal attention-it has been thought of by every reflecting
man-been discussed in a public and private manner, in
conversation and in print; its defects have been pointed out, and
every objection to it stated; able advocates have written in its
favor, and able opponents have written against it. And what is
the result? It cannot be denied but that the general opinion is,
that it contains material errors, and requires important
amendments. This then being the general sentiment, both of the
friends and foes of the system, can it be doubted, that another
convention would concur in such amendments as would quiet the
fears of the opposers, and effect a great degree of union on the
subject? -- An event most devoutly to be wished. But it is
further said, that there can be no prospect of procuring
alterations before it is acceded to, because those who oppose it
do not agree among themselves with respect to the amendments that
are necessary. To this I reply, that this may be urged against
attempting alterations after it is received, with as much force
as before; and therefore, if it concludes anything, it is that we
must receive any system of government proposed to us, because
those who object to it do not entirely concur in their
objections. But the assertion is not true to any considerable
extent. There is a remarkable uniformity in the objections made
to the constitution, on the most important points. It is also
worthy of notice, that very few of the matters found fault with
in it, are of a local nature, or such as affect any particular
state; on the contrary, they are such as concern the principles
of general liberty, in which the people of New Hampshire, New
York and Georgia are equally interested. . . .
It has been objected too that the new system . . . is
calculated to and will effect such a consolidation of the States,
as to supplant and overturn the state governments....
It has been said that the representation in the general
legislature is too small to secure liberty, or to answer the
intention of representation. In this there is an union of
sentiments in the opposers.
The constitution has been opposed, because it gives to the
legislature an unlimited power of taxation both with respect to
direct and indirect taxes, a right to lay and collect taxes,
duties, imposts and excises of every kind and description, and to
any amount. In this there has been as general a concurrence of
opinion as in the former.
The opposers to the constitution have said that it is
dangerous, because the judicial power may extend to many cases
which ought to be reserved to the decision of the State courts,
and because the right of trial by jury is not secured in the
judicial courts of the general government, in civil cases. All
the opposers are agreed in this objection.
The power of the general legislature to alter and regulate
the time, place and manner of holding elections, has been stated
as an argument against the adoption of the system. The opposers
to the constitution universally agree in this objection. . .
The mixture of legislative, judicial, and executive powers
in the Senate; the little degree of responsibility under which
the great officers of government will be held; and the liberty
granted by the system to establish and maintain a standing army
without any limitation or restriction, are also objected to the
constitution; and in these there is a great degree of unanimity
of sentiment in the opposers. . . .
You have heard that both sides on this great question,
agree, that there are in it great defects; yet the one side tell
you, choose such men as will adopt it, and then amend it-while
the other say, amend previous to its adoption. I have stated to
you my reasons for the latter, and I think they are unanswerable.
Consider, you the common people, the yeomanry of the country, for
to such I principally address myself, you are to be the principal
losers, if the constitution should prove oppressive. When a
tyranny is established, there are always masters as well as
slaves; the great and well-born are generally the former, and the
middling class the latter. Attempts have been made, and will be
repeated, to alarm you with the fear of consequences; but reflect
there are consequences on both sides, and none can be apprehended
more dreadful, than entailing on ourselves and posterity a
government which will raise a few to the height of human
greatness and wealth, while it will depress the many to the
extreme of poverty and wretchedness. Consequences are under the
control of that all-wise and all-powerful being, whose providence
conducts the affairs of all men. Our part is to act right, and
we may then have confidence that the consequences will be
favorable. The path in which you should walk is plain and open
before you; be united as one man, and direct your choice to such
men as have been uniform in their opposition to the proposed
system in its present form, or without proper alterations. In
men of this description you have reason to place confidence,
while on the other hand, you have just cause to distrust those
who urge the adoption of a bad constitution, under the delusive
expectation of making amendments after it is acceded to. Your
jealousy of such characters should be the more excited, when you
consider that the advocates for the constitution have shifted
their ground. When men are uniform in their opinions, it affords
evidence that they are sincere. When they are shifting, it gives
reason to believe, they do not change from conviction. It must
be recollected, that when this plan was first announced to the
public, its supporters cried it up as the most perfect production
of human wisdom, It was represented either as having no defects,
or if it had, they were so trifling and inconsiderable, that they
served only, as the shades in a fine picture, to set off the
piece to the greater advantage. One gentleman in Philadelphia
went so far in the ardor of his enthusiasm in its favor, as to
pronounce, that the men who formed it were as really under the
guidance of Divine Revelation, as was Moses, the Jewish lawgiver.
Their language is now changed; the question has been discussed;
the objections to the plan ably stated, and they are admitted to
be unanswerable. The same men who held it almost perfect, now
admit it is very imperfect; that it is necessary it should be
amended. The only question between us, is simply this@hall we
accede to a bad constitution, under the uncertain prospect of
getting it amended, after we have received it, or shall we amend
it before we adopt it? Common sense will point out which is the
most rational, which is the most secure line of conduct. May
heaven inspire you with wisdom, union, moderation and firmness,
and give you hearts to make a proper estimate of your invaluable
privileges, and preserve them to you, to be transmitted to your
posterity unimpaired, and may they be maintained in this our
country, while Sun and Moon endure.
A PLEBEIAN